The set of testable hypotheses is derived from a review of the literature and is structured around the hypothesis of economic voting. The database includes 17 Latin American countries for the period 1985-2002, and a total of 66 presidential and 81 legislative elections. This paper assesses how electoral outcomes in both presidential and legislative elections in Latin America have been affected by the adoption of economic policies that seek to improve macroeconomic stability and facilitate the functioning of markets. Estos resultados sugieren que a los partidos reformistas les ha salido caro adoptar reformas de mercado, salvo en aquellos casos en que las mismas se hayan acometido conjuntamente con políticas de estabilización en economías altamente inflacionarias. Se descubre que (i) se recompensa al partido oficialista si se produce una baja de la inflación y, en menor medida, si aumenta la tasa de crecimiento (ii) mientras más fragmentado o ideológicamente polarizado sea el sistema partidista, mayores serán las recompensas electorales que genere una reducción de la inflación o un aumento del crecimiento económico, (iii) los electores se interesan no sólo por los resultados económicos, sino también por algunas de las políticas adoptadas: aunque el electorado parece no tomar en cuenta cuestiones macroeconómicas tales como las políticas fiscales o cambiarias, es contrario a las políticas favorables al mercado, independientemente de los efectos que éstas puedan tener en el crecimiento o la inflación, y (iv) el electorado es más tolerante de las reformas a favor del mercado cuando el partido oficialista tiene una ideología más orientada al mercado. El conjunto de hipótesis que se pueden poner a prueba proviene de un repaso de la obra publicada y se estructura alrededor de la hipótesis de la economía del voto. La base de datos incluye 17 países latinoamericanos durante el período 1985-2002, y un total de 66 elecciones presidenciales y 81 legislativas. (Disponible en idioma inglés únicamente) En este trabajo se evalúa la manera en que los resultados electorales tanto en comicios presidenciales como legislativos en América Latina se han visto afectados por la adopción de políticas económicas concebidas para mejorar la estabilidad macroeconómica y facilitar el funcionamiento de los mercados. Regional and country approaches were applied in this paper to the phenomenon under study. Review of the most important causes that set a chain reaction in motion of protest activities, as well as anĪssessment of the further development of the socio-political situation in Latin America. In this context, I divided the article into 4 thematic blocks, which will allow a systematic Situated in the middle until the very top of the pyramid – the “democracy deficit” and the influence of In the form of a hierarchical pyramid: from the underlying economic instability, the crisis of the neoliberalĭevelopment model, social inequality the weakening of the political system and corruption, that are

The author identifies the main reasons that together caused social explosions, and presents them The goal of this analysis is to reveal the unresolved problems of the This paper attempts to analyze the main factors

These trends can be traced in all foci of instability that broke outĪlmost simultaneously in several countries of the region. Root causes of these events in each country were different, several general trends stand out in all the chaos Gradually, a wave of public discontent swept over countries such as Colombia and Argentina. In just a few months, Haiti, Ecuador, Chile,īolivia were caught in a massive political crisis which was marked by massive street demonstrations. Methods, thus they were forced to listen to society demands. It turned out to be impossible for the state authorities to react to such indignation by the usual repressive Residents of the highest income inequality region of the world ceased restraining their discontent. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social

Rights and reducing historical injustice. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has alreadyįormed in this part of the world.

Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout theĬourse of history of this region, reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning

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